Health,
Nutrition &
Population Programme Proposal (HNPPP)
July
2003 - June 2010
(Preliminary
document)
January
2005
Implementation
Agency
Estimated cost of the program
|
Financing
Pattern |
Taka in million |
|
GOB (Dev.) |
41544 |
|
PA |
112765 |
|
Sub Total (Dev. Budget) |
154309
|
|
GOB (Rev.) |
161377 |
|
Total |
315686 |
With
a population of 135.2 million and estimated per capita GDP at $421 in FY
2003/04 (Bangladesh Economic Review 2004), Bangladesh remains one of the
poorest countries in the world and still faces severe deficiencies in the
quality of its health, population and nutrition services. While Bangladesh
has made progress in reducing poverty over the last 20 years, 49.8 percent
of people were poor in FY 2000 (HIES 2000), equivalent to an estimated 56
million people. Under-nutrition remains prevalent and large numbers of
people lack basic services. If progress were to continue at the rate
achieved in the 1990s, then the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) would
only be partially met by 2015, at best: extreme poverty would be reduced as
targeted, but 16 million would still live on less than $1/day, and 40
million would be below the upper poverty line. Universal primary education
would be achieved by 2015, but with concern about its quality. Targets for
child mortality and maternal mortality reduction would be met. However,
environmental sustainability targets would not be reached. The gender
equality goal has nearly been reached in primary education but women would
still fare worse than would men in higher secondary education, literacy and
labour force participation. It is now Government intention to recruit female
teachers in preference to men, so that they make up 60 percent of the
teaching workforce.
Stable
macroeconomic conditions with low rates of inflation have created the basis
for consistent economic growth rates in Bangladesh over the last decade. The
incidence of income-poverty declined by a percentage point a year although
inequality increased somewhat. Progress
has also been made in improving Bangladesh’s Human Development Index.
Between 1990 and 2002, the index increased by 23 percent, with marked
improvements in life expectancy, adult literacy, gross primary school
enrolment ratio, and declines in infant mortality rates. These improvements
have placed Bangladesh among the medium-ranking HDI countries (Human
Development Report 2004). These results have been achieved by a stable
macroeconomic environment leading to sustained economic growth and by the
efforts of government and non-government organisations to expand the
coverage of essential services to the disadvantaged sections of society.
In 2001/02, total (public and private)
spending on HNP services in Bangladesh (THE),[1] accounted for 3.2 percent
of GDP equivalent to US$12 per capita per annum. This represents a modest
increase compared with 1996/97 estimates[2]
and is about what one would expect for a country of Bangladesh’s income
per capita (BNHA-2).
However, the public sector financed only one
third (34.5 percent) of THE in 2000/01, unchanged from 1996/97, while two
thirds of spending on healthcare was financed privately, most of it
out-of-pocket spending by households (63.8 percent). GOB financing actually
declined from 24 percent of THE in 1996/97 to 18.5 percent in 2001/02.
At the same time, donor financing increased from 10.5 percent in
1996/97 to 13.3 percent in 2001/02 (BNHA-2).
Expenditures on public-sector provision of
HNP services declined from 32.6 percent of THE in 1996/97 to only 26.2
percent in 2001/02, while the share of the MoH&FW as such declined in
parallel from 27.6 percent to only 23.3 percent. The share of MoH&FW
expenditures, as a percentage of the GoB’s combined revenue and
development budget expenditures remains low and has shown a declining trend
since 1996/97. Total MoH&FW
spending (revenue and development) in FY 1999/00 was 19,690 million Taka,
equivalent to only 5.3 percent of total GoB spending and to only 1.1 percent
of GDP (World Bank and ADB 2003).
Despite
recently stagnant or declining public spending on healthcare, there has been
a remarkable improvement in health indicators in Bangladesh over the last 30
years. In the mid-1970s, the
infant mortality rate (IMR) was 153/1000 live births.
By 1999-2003, it had declined to 65/1000. Under-fives mortality
(U5MR) had declined similarly to 88/1000. Population
growth rates have also declined. Immunisation coverage has remained fairly
high and the country will attain polio-free
status very soon. However, the aggregate data disguise considerable
variations. Socio-economic
indicators of health status in Bangladesh indicate significant areas of
inequality that must be addressed if health-related MDG targets are to be
met. For example, mortality
among children in the poorest households is almost twice as high as for
children from the wealthiest ones. Leading
causes of death among children are still diarrhoea and ARI, followed by
perinatal causes. Further
reductions in IMR and, by implication, a contribution to the reduction in
U5MR, will now largely come from reductions in neonatal mortality rates,
adding importance to the emphasis given in this Plan to improving antenatal
and obstetric and neonatal care. Injury, severe malnutrition and neonatal
tetanus each contribute 7-8 percent of the total child mortality. This
represents the deaths of 350,000 children each year.
Maternal
mortality (Maternal Mortality Ratio, MMR) had declined by an estimated 36
percent between 1986 and 2000, but remains relatively high at 320/100,000 (BMMS
2001). This represents the annual loss of 12,000 women from
maternity-related causes.
New
challenges to good health are emerging, in particular HIV/AIDS,
tuberculosis, malaria, arsenicosis, accidents and injuries and
non-communicable diseases. These
impose catastrophic treatment costs and heavy income losses on the poor,
which may precipitate irreversible poverty and are difficult to insure
privately.
As
the epidemiological transition accelerates, non-communicable diseases will
account for a larger and larger share of the total disease burden.
It is estimated that by 2010, non-communicable diseases will increase
their share of mortality to 59 percent, as compared to 40 percent in 1990 (Streatfield
et al. 2001).
The
demographic transition will also bring new sources of vulnerability. The
number of elderly women in Bangladesh increased from 0.83 million in 1951 to
4.06 million in 2001 (Statistical Profile of Women in Bangladesh 2002).
Widowhood and poverty are prevalent among this group.
Many of these women will be widows or generally lacking economic
security.
Bangladesh
continues to suffer high levels of malnutrition in the form of both
protein-energy malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. Forty-eight
percent of children under five (age 6 to 59 months) are underweight, 43
percent are stunted in height and 13 percent are wasted (Bangladesh
Demographic and Health Survey 2004). These
rates are unacceptably high, even if considered in the context of
Bangladesh’s still low per capita income. Child malnutrition, especially
at the youngest ages, impedes child development, is associated with
increased rates and increased severity of infectious diseases and
contributes to over one half of child deaths. Among rural adult non-pregnant
mothers, 45 percent have a Body Mass Index (BMI) of less than 18.5, which is
indicative of ‘critical’ food insecurity (HKI 2001; BDHS 1999-2000).
Poor maternal nutrition affects, in turn, the high incidence of low
birth weight in Bangladesh, estimated as 40 percent, which affects newborn
health and survival.
Dietary
intakes of both children and adults are severely deficient in multiple
micronutrients, particularly vitamin A, iron, iodine and zinc.
Bangladesh has made significant progress in reducing vitamin-A
deficiency among pre-school children over the past 15 years. However, the
consumption of vitamin A rich foods is still low, suggesting that the
underlying causes of Vitamin A deficiency require further attention and
support. Iron deficiency anaemia, which is also highly prevalent, affects
one-third of adolescent girls and non-pregnant women and is even higher in
pregnant women (51 percent; HKI/IPHN 2002).
Fully half of
children age 6 to 59 months are anaemic.
The
immediate causes of malnutrition in women and children are inadequate
dietary intake and high infectious disease burden, due to household food
insecurity and inappropriate household practices in feeding, personal
hygiene and caring for adolescent girls, pregnant women, mothers and their
young children, exacerbated by a lack of knowledge and awareness about a
healthy way of life.
After
declining rapidly in the 1980s, the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) seems to have
remained unchanged for most of the 1990s at 3.3 children (BDHS 1999/2000),
although different surveys gave different results.
This went together with steady gains in contraceptive prevalence
among currently married reproductive age women, which had reached 54 percent
in1999/2000, mainly by using temporary methods. By early 2004, contraceptive prevalence had further increased
to 58 percent, while TFR for the period 2001-2003 had declined to 3.0.
Replacement level fertility had been a GOB target for 2005, but the
fertility plateau of the last decade has meant delay to 2010 at the
earliest.
It
is now thought that the paradox of rising family planning use but flat
fertility had been partly a result of the ‘tempo’ effect of falling
fertility, triggered by rising age at childbearing during the 1980s.
This resulted from the widespread adoption of family planning to
delay or space second and higher order births.
As fertility was falling, first order births, which were not affected
by the tempo effect, were becoming a greater proportion of all births
(previously one in seven, now one in three).
Thus the tempo effect was dampened then disappeared during the 1990s.
Further
efforts are needed to shift family planning use patterns towards more
effective, longer lasting and lower-cost clinical and permanent methods
covering low performing and disadvantaged areas with added emphasis.
But the major impact on fertility will be achieved by raising the age
of marriage, which will push up age at first birth, and again trigger a
tempo effect, to bring fertility down.
Bangladesh has great scope to reduce early marriage, where at present
50 percent of teenage girls (15-19) are married, compared to only 33 percent
in India, 25 percent in Pakistan, and far fewer in other comparable
countries.
Within
the overall development policy framework of the Government of Bangladesh,
the goal of the health, nutrition and population (HNP) sector is to achieve
sustainable improvement in health, nutrition and reproductive health,
including family planning status of the people, particularly of vulnerable
groups, including women, children, the elderly, and the poor with the
ultimate aim of their economic emancipation and physical, social, mental and
spiritual well being.
The
main purpose of HNP sector programme (2003-2010) will be to increase
availability and utilisation of user-centred, effective, efficient,
equitable, affordable and accessible quality services be it the Essential
Services Package, improved hospital services, nutritional services or other
selected services.
Within
the context of the I-PRSP the HNP sector will emphasise on reducing severe
malnutrition, high mortality, and fertility, promoting healthy life styles,
and reducing environmental, economic, social and behavioural risk factors
and causes to human health with a sharp focus on improving the health of the
poor and other vulnerable. Priority
objectives, by which the success of HNPSP should be measured, will be (i)
reducing MMR, (ii) reducing TFR, (iii) reducing malnutrition, (iv) reducing
infant and under-five mortality, and (v) reducing the burden of HIV/AIDS,
TB, malaria and other common communicable diseases.
The
GoB has overall constitutional responsibility for HNP services and through
the MoH&FW (and some other ministries, for example Defence and Railways)
is an important provider of health services in Bangladesh.
The
MoH&FW health system is structured as a hierarchical pyramid with five
layers: three at the primary, one at the secondary and one at the tertiary
level. At the base are
ward-level DGHS Health Assistants and DFP Family Welfare Assistants, serving
a population of about 6,000 to 7,000 people, performing home visits and
working from a Community Clinic (where operational), tasked with family
planning, maternal and child health, including immunisations, communicable
disease control, symptomatic curative care for common complaints, and upward
referrals. The next level is
the Union Health and Family Welfare Centre (HFWC), staffed by three
paramedicals, Sub-Assistant Community Medical Officer, Family Welfare
Visitor, and Pharmacist, providing family planning, maternal and child
health services and some curative care.
On
the family planning side, 250 posts of union-level Medical Officer (Family
Welfare) have been created to provide care for MCH referral cases and to
supervise and perform clinical contraceptive services.
On the health side, a Medical Officer is posted to each of
1275-upgraded HFWCs under the Health Directorate (formerly called Union Sub-centres).
At the next level is the
Upazila Health Complex, which is the first-level referral centre for the
population in the upazila and the administrative centre for upazila health
and family planning services. Staffing norms foresee, on the health side,
nine doctors, two Medical Assistants, a pharmacist, radiographer and an EPI
technician and staff nurses, joined on the family planning side by an
Upazila Family Planning Officer, Medical Officer (MO-MCH), Assistant Family
Planning Officer, Senior Family Welfare Visitor and two Family Welfare
Visitors and other support staff. The
UHC is responsible for inpatient and outpatient care, family planning and
MCH services, including clinical contraception, and for disease control.
On the health side, the fourth layer is the district hospital, which
is a 50 to 250-bed facility. Heads of health and family planning services at upazila as
well as district level both have technical as well as administrative
responsibilities and combine responsibilities for clinical care with
community and public health responsibilities. In 55 of 64 districts,
Maternal and Child Welfare Centres (MCWCs) of the Family Planning
Directorate are staffed and equipped to provide Comprehensive Emergency
Obstetric Care and other clinical reproductive health services. Another 9
MCWCs are almost ready to provide EmOC and other services. The fifth tier of
the public-sector health system is comprised of the medical college and
other specialised hospitals, providing tertiary-level referral care.
The
Bangladesh Integrated Nutrition Project (BINP) was the first comprehensive
nutrition intervention in Bangladesh aimed at achieving measurable
reductions of malnutrition in young children and reduced incidence of low
birth weight. The original
timeframe and scope was for implementation in 40 rural upazilas from July
1995 to June 2000. Subsequently,
the project was revised to cover a total of 60 upazilas and extended up to
June 2002. From July 2002, the
61[3]
BINP project upazilas were continued under the National Nutrition Project (NNP),
which was initially operated as a separate development project, funded under
a separate World Bank credit, but has been integrated into HNPSP from 1 July
2004. The National Nutrition
Project was expanded to run in 105 upazilas and also to take up another 120
upazilas over a course of three years.
By 2010, nutritional intervention through NNP needs to be expanded in
all upazilas of the country.
NNP
community nutrition interventions are designed to reduce the prevalence of
moderate and severe underweight in young children, increase pregnancy weight
gains, reduce the incidence of low birthweight and reduce the prevalence of
iron-deficiency anaemia among adolescent girls and pregnant women. Related
interventions include growth monitoring and promotion of young children from
birth until two years of age, weight gain monitoring of pregnant women,
targeted food supplementation of growth faltering and severely malnourished
children and undernourished pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers, and
conduct of adolescent girl nutrition services.
Iron-folate is provided during pregnancy and vitamin-A post-partum.
Community nutrition activities are organised around community-donated
Community Nutrition Centres, established for a population of 1,250 to 1,500,
and run by part-time female contract workers, called Community Nutrition
Promoters (CNPs). CNPs are supervised by Community Nutrition Organisers.
In addition, Village, Union and Upazila Nutrition Management
Committees are established for community mobilisation and intersectoral
co-ordination. In view of the
intensive, but not necessarily permanent effort required for community
nutrition interventions, their implementation is managed through contracting
with NGOs.
Under
financing from NNP, the Institute of Public Health Nutrition (IPHN), under
the Directorate of Health Services, has been providing micronutrient
supplementation with Vitamin-A throughout the country. Other national-level
NNP activities consist of communication support (implemented by UNICEF),
breastfeeding promotion and support, (implemented by the Bangladesh
Breastfeeding Foundation) and iodine fortification of salt.
NNP, like BINP, includes in addition household food security
interventions to be implemented through the Ministries of Agriculture and
Fisheries and Livestock and through the Vulnerable Group Development (VGD)
Program of the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs.
Improvement
of nutritional status of the population is a priority activity of the
Government, which is actively considering setting up a separate Directorate
for nutrition.
Non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) are a significant and growing source of HNP services in
both rural and urban Bangladesh. Their services have mainly been in the
areas of family planning and MCH. More
recently, NGOs have extended their range of services and are now the major
providers of urban primary care. NGOs have been commissioned by the MoH&FW
to provide the community nutrition services under BINP and NNP.
Besides, NGOs are also providing services for HIV/AIDS prevention and
for the national tuberculosis and leprosy control programmes. BNHA-2 data
suggest that total volume of expenditures on HNP services by NGO facilities
and other non-profit institutions increased more than threefold in real
terms over the five years since 1996/97, accounting for over nine percent of
total sectoral expenditures (THE) in 2001/02.
According to BNHA-2, less than two percent of national expenditures
for NGO facilities were incurred for in-patient services.
This reflects the NGO service focus on primary health care, family
planning and MCH. As such, female patients use 1.6 times more NGO resources
than do males.
NGOs
are important sources of innovation in the sector, including differential
pricing, targeting of services to the poor and very poor, cost analyses for
efficiency improvements, and strategic planning for long-term
sustainability. While user satisfaction with NGO services, as measured by
multiple indicators, is generally high, actual utilisation and hence,
population-level coverage, is variable and can be quite low, depending,
e.g., on the vicinity of government facilities. NGO policies of charging for
services and for medicines, though essential from a cost-recovery and
sustainability perspective, have, moreover, been shown to deter utilisation
by the poor and very poor, especially among women without access to cash of
their own.
This
is a rapidly growing sector, which already provides most health services
(according to BNHA-2, some 55 percent by value).
It includes
The
commercial sector also plays an important role in the supply of health
related products, including social marketing of subsidised contraceptive
supplies, ORS and, to a small extent, bed nets.
About 40 percent of non-clinical contraceptives are distributed
through pharmacies and drug sellers.
Some
kinds of practice, such as ayurveda, appear to be on the decline, but
others, such as semi-qualified Rural Medical Practitioners (RMPs) flourish,
particularly in rural areas. While
reliable figures on the numbers of these different types of informal
practitioners are lacking, the Bangladesh Health Labour Market Study has
estimated the total number of private practitioners in Bangladesh to be
around 0.45 million, or 3.6 per 1000 population.
Of these, traditional and unqualified providers outnumber formally
qualified ones by twelve to one (Peters and Kayne 2003).
The
current regulatory framework for private-sector health care provision is
fragmented and outdated, poorly implemented and poorly enforced and is
viewed as inadequate for ensuring minimum standards of service quality. Establishment of a suitable regulatory framework, with
adequate mechanisms for implementation and enforcement is therefore of high
priority. This should include
re-directing regulation to the assurance of the quality of services and to
ensure fair competition.
Drug
regulations in Bangladesh are supervised and implemented by the Directorate
of Drug Administration (DDA) under the MoH&FW. This Directorate also
regulates all activities related to import and procurement of raw and
packing materials and to production, import, export, sale and pricing of
finished drugs, including those of ayurvedic, unani and homeopathic systems.
DDA regulatory activities include the preparation of a Bangladesh
National Formulary, which was brought out in July 2004 in its second,
revised edition.
In
1982, Bangladesh had a pioneering role among developing countries in
formulating and implementing a National Drug Policy (National Drug Control
Ordinance 1982), soon to be updated and revised as the National Drug Policy
2004. The National Drug Policy
has lent support to the development of an efficient and internationally
competitive drug manufacturing industry in Bangladesh, which now meets 90
percent of domestic drug needs at reasonable prices. Drug sales are effected
through 1,353 drug wholesalers and 33,975 retail trading outlets. Quality
control is effected by the Drug Administration through market collection of
drug samples and through testing at two drug-testing laboratories.
Nevertheless, problems still remain with regard to the importation and/or
manufacture of substandard, counterfeit, and ineffective drugs. In addition,
inappropriate drug information, irrational prescribing and inappropriate
dispensing practices need to be addressed.
During
the five-year period up to 2001/02, THE has kept pace with GDP growth.
However, growth in the volume of HNP services and in the resources
provided by the public sector has fallen consistently behind THE and GDP
growth rates. According to the 1999-2001 Bangladesh National Health Accounts
(BNHA-2), the share of services and resources provided by the public sector
declined from 32.6 percent of THE in 1996/7 to 26.2 percent in 2001/02.
Provision by the MoH&FW as such similarly declined from 27.6
percent of THE to 24.3 percent in 2001/02.
At the same time, provision by NGOs and other private-sector
not-for-profit organisations has more than tripled from 2.9 to 9.2 percent.
The share of private-sector for-profit provision of health care and
commodities also declined from 62 percent of THE in 1996/97, to 55 percent
in 2001/02. This included in
both years a share of 46 percent of THE for drug purchases.
It is noteworthy that the value of purchases from drug retail outlets
(Taka 39,625 million in 2001/02), much of it poorly regulated and
unsupported by provider and consumer education on ‘rational use of
drugs,’ was nearly twice the value of HNP services provided by the MoH&FW.
MoH&FW
spending under HPSP has emphasised spending on the Essential Services
Package delivered at the upazila level and below. During HPSP, ESP delivery
(including overhead) accounted for an estimated 70 percent of MoH&FW
expenditures from both revenue and development budgets (Streatfield et al.
2003). However, this includes inpatient care in Upazila Health Complexes and
excludes primary care delivered at District and Medical College Hospitals so
that the share of public spending on promotional, preventive and primary
care is not known precisely. In 2000/01, ESP expenditures (revenue and
development combined), 41 percent went to reproductive health, including
family planning, 40 percent to child health, 14 percent to limited curative
care, and only 4 and 1 percent, respectively, to communicable disease
control and behaviour change communication (HEU and FMU 2002).
NGOs
are playing an increasing role in health service provision (BNHA-2), almost
all at the primary level. Their
role is particularly important in urban areas where population growth has
not been matched by a growth in services provided
by the central government and local bodies. Both
the Government and bilateral aid agencies have entered into commissioning
arrangements with non-government providers to offer ESP services at heavily
subsidised prices intended to be affordable by the poor.
This has financed a rapid expansion in NGO primary health care
provision. Although initially
this expansion was financed by international aid, in the period
covered by BNHA-2, donor funding of NGO health service delivery declined
from 78 percent in 1999/2000 to 67 percent in 2001/02 because of a steep
increase in GOB funding.
Private
expenditure on healthcare accounts for 64 percent of total health
expenditures. The purchase of pharmaceuticals remains the major item of
household out-of-pocket health expenditure, reflecting high levels of
self-medication. Over-the-counter purchases of drugs account for 70 percent
of household expenditure on healthcare, or 46 percent of total HNP sector
expenditure, making this by far the single largest expenditure item within
the sector. This high expenditure share remained stable over the BNHA-2
period.
The
for-profit modern clinical health care sector is mostly found in urban areas
and particularly the larger cities. Recently, for-profit clinical health
care services have been extended to some flourishing upazilas as well.
BNHA-2 identified 682 clinics and hospitals registered with the MoH&FW,
indicating an annual growth rate in facility numbers of 15 percent.
Total bed capacity of this sector is about 27 percent of the national
total. Between 1999/2000 and 2001/02 the industry has had an estimated
income of about Taka 2,100 million per year.
Healthcare
consumers use private practitioners predominantly for first-line curative
care, including among the poor. According
to BDHS data from the late 1990s, private providers saw 92 percent of all
the children brought to a health facility with diarrhoea, and 89 percent of
children with ARI (Gwatkin et al 2000 based on 1996/97 BDHS). While the poor consult trained private providers, they are
more likely to use unqualified and semi-qualified providers such as Rural
Medical Practitioners. In 2003,
43 percent of service users visited unqualified practitioners for curative
care, while another 13 percent obtained treatment from drug shops (SDS
2003).
BNHA-2
estimated there were about 838 diagnostic centres registered with MoH&FW
in 1999/2000, with increasing investments in state-of-the-art diagnostic
tests and services. Private
diagnostic centres now account for the largest share of this sector, but the
rationality and quality of their services are frequently questioned.
Regulatory mechanisms are required to ensure the quality of diagnostic
services.
With
the exception of tea plantations, export garment manufacturers and some
large manufacturing enterprises, very few employers offer health care or
health insurance to their employers. Private
health insurance is also extremely limited but is growing rapidly from being
worth Taka 5.8 million in 1996/97 to Taka 19 million in 2001/02.
However, as yet, it accounts for only a tiny proportion of household
expenditure on health care.
The
urban population of Bangladesh comprises the population living in six city
corporations and 223 municipalities. Urban areas are growing rapidly. In
2001, 23 percent of the total population of Bangladesh was urban; by 2010,
the urban population is expected to account for 33 percent of the total
population. Urban household incomes, even among the very poor, are higher on
average than among the very poor from rural Bangladesh (HIES 2000).
However, differences in household incomes are more striking in urban
than in rural Bangladesh. Moreover, the concentration of urban household
incomes in richer households is increasing (HIES 2000).
The urban poor are particularly affected by environmental hazards,
such as crowding, inadequate sanitation and solid waste disposal, exposure
to industrial wastes, accidents and violence.
As a result, rates of child mortality among urban slum dwellers have
been consistently higher than among the rural population as a whole.
Compared
to the rural population, urban households spend considerably more on
consultations with qualified medical providers and at private clinics and
hospitals and for diagnostic services (BNHA-2).
The currently inadequate regulatory framework for private for-profit
provision of health care therefore, especially affects urban dwellers of all
income groups.
The
mandate for providing primary health care in urban areas is vested in
MoLGRDC. As a result, primary health care services provided directly by the
DGHS are confined to those supplied by Medical College Hospital Outpatient
Departments, District Hospitals, government outpatient dispensaries and
maternal and child health services provided by the Family Planning
Directorate. Urban primary health care, apart from for-profit private
providers, is for the main part, provided by NGOs contracted by the ADB-financed
Urban Primary Health Care Project implemented by four City Corporations and
by NGO consortia contracted by USAID and DfID. While generally rated high in
terms of user satisfaction, the utilisation of NGO-provided urban primary
health care remains well below existing capacities (Mitra and Associates and
Measure 2003; Mitra and Associates in collaboration with Johns Hopkins
University 2003). The improved
effectiveness of NGO-provided urban ESP services depends on improved
targeting of subsided services to the very poor, the integration of maternal
and child nutrition into urban primary health care, community ownership and
intersectoral collaboration for improved environmental health, water and
sanitation. Main policy challenges for urban health are the establishment of
a strong co-ordination mechanism between MoH&FW and MoLGRDC, an enhanced
stewardship role of the MoH&FW with regard to regulation of
urban-for-profit health services, strengthened public-private partnerships,
and GoB commitment to sustainable financing for subsidised health care for
the urban poor.
Poor
people only benefit from publicly financed ESP services to the extent that
they are prepared to use public-sector facilities. In this respect,
facilities-based data on health care utilisation give a different picture
from household survey findings on treatments obtained.
Studies on facilities utilisation show that the poorest quintile now
accounts for 38 percent of total utilisation of public-sector ESP services
at the upazila-level and below, while the poorest two quintiles account for
55 percent (HEU 2003). On the
other hand, most (60 percent) treatments sought by all households are
obtained from unqualified service providers, with very poor households more
likely to turn to unqualified providers than less poor ones (65 percent,
compared with 59 percent). Only
17 percent of visits by members of very poor households were to government
facilities (SDS 2003). It thus
remains the case that only a minority of the poor chooses to use subsidised
government services and most have to pay to do so (either through user fees,
informal charges or both). The
great majority consults private, mostly unqualified providers.
There
are many reasons, both on the supply and demand sides, why the poor do not
use public services more. Poor
service quality and unofficial charging are well known disincentives. The
lack of medicines and bad staff attitudes, which are chief problems
identified by government health and family planning services, are likely to
affect the poor particularly. Under-paid clinicians have weak incentives to
give priority attention to people who cannot pay.
Poor people find that without patronage relationships they cannot get
good treatment or influence providers.
Women fare worst of all because they have less access to patrons.
There
remain significant gender inequalities in health status, effective access
and utilisation in Bangladesh. These
have multiple causes. For
instance, maternal malnutrition, which is a serious problem, is not only a
consequence of income poverty but also of the poor social value placed on
maternal health. It is
connected with women’s lack of bargaining power in the household, low
expenditure on the health of women and girls and discriminatory practices in
care and feeding of adolescent girls and reproductive-age women.
Most of the common health and nutritional problems of poor women and
girls can be set within this wider context of dis-empowerment in which
gender, health and poverty are linked.
Women
still face considerable constraints in accessing health care and many of
these stem from within the household. Restrictions
on travel, especially unaccompanied, which the distance to facilities
exacerbates, and the lack of money for treatment are the two most frequently
cited problems. Women’s lack of personal income can be another
contributing, while husbands may be reluctant to spend money on their
wives’ medical needs. Over 40
percent of currently married women remain dependent on other peoples’
decisions for their own health care (BDHS 1999-2000). This has serious
implications for reducing maternal mortality.
For
public-sector facilities, male utilisation rates for both in-patient and
outpatient MoH&FW services far exceed those of females, except in the
reproductive age group (15 to 49 years of age), where the female advantage
is largely accounted for by their use of reproductive health services,
particularly family planning (HEU 2003).
A similar pattern was found for national health expenditures overall
(BNHA-2). In both instances,
males 65 years and over utilised MoH&FW services twice as often as did
women in the same age group. Excluding reproductive health care, benefits
from use of MoH&FW services accruing to males measured in financial
terms were likewise higher than those accruing to females (HEU
2003).
Monitoring
of user satisfaction by Service Delivery Surveys (SDSs) conducted in the
course of HPSP indicates marked differences with respect to user
satisfaction with preventative and curative care provided by Government.
Government services account for a very high proportion of preventative care
obtained from any source. On the part of households, use of preventative
services accounts for over half of all care sought from government services,
with user satisfaction high (95 percent) and at par with satisfaction with
preventative care obtained from private-sector providers, including NGOs (SDS
2003). On the other hand, most
care sought by households (85 percent) was for treatment purposes, and only
a small proportion (13 percent) of treatments had been obtained from
government sources. Only more
than half of users of government services for treatment purposes were
overall satisfied with services received, while satisfaction with treatments
from private-sector providers was much higher.
Satisfaction with treatments obtained from government sources were
directly related to ‘actionable’ quality-of-care-related factors such as
behaviour of the service providers, provision of full explanations of health
problems and their remedies, the availability of prescribed medicines and
waiting times (SDS 2003).
Provision
of clinical contraceptives by the Directorate General of Family Planning is
guided by defined standards, with adherence monitored by Quality Assurance
Teams. Within the Health Services Directorate, useful work has likewise been
done to formulate clinical protocols for hospital-level services, although
implementation is not being monitored. However, survey findings indicate
that important deficiencies exist in the technical quality of care delivered
even by formally trained practitioners in both the public and private
sector. Quality deficiencies
are likely to be even higher in the case of alternative private
practitioners, the largest but least monitored group of providers in the
country (World Bank 2003).
During
HPSP, prioritisation of resource allocations to the ESP was the principal
policy instrument for targeting resources to the poor. While the selection of services to be financed publicly can
be an important component of pro-poor health policy, the role of the ESP in
Bangladesh and, in particular, a reliance on the share of total expenditure
represented by ESP services, needs at least to be complemented by other
measures of success. At
present, large shares of ESP budgets are converted centrally into supplies
and services in support of a bundle of preventive and limited curative
activities. This makes it difficult to find to what extent and where these
supplies and support services are expanding and accelerating service
delivery on the ground.
Benefit
incidence analysis estimates the extent to which public expenditures on
health benefit poorer groups. Recent data on costs per visit in conjunction
with utilisation according to economic quintiles suggest that a higher share
of public expenditure on health and family welfare services accrue to the
poorer strata of the population. This
holds true both at the upazila level and below, where the share of the
poorest two quintiles is 55 percent, and district hospitals, where their
share is 46 percent (HEU 2003).
It is, however, uncertain whether findings hold at the tertiary level
(Medical College Hospitals and specialised hospitals), which were not
included in the analysis.
On
a geographical basis, pronounced variations in per capita public spending
are likely to persist because resource allocation is based on facility size
and uniform staffing norms, but not on population-based health needs.
Overall,
supply-side subsidies have not proven to be a very effective way of
directing scarce public resources to the health needs of the poor. The
benefits ‘leak away’ to the rich when they demand treatments and when
providers turn away poor people or fail to exempt them from informal
charges. The underlying problem relates to the weak employment and
management incentives under which government clinicians operate, issues that
are addressed later in this Plan.
The
direct and indirect costs of services, along with household preferences,
education and socio-cultural norms act as demand-side barriers to services
utilisation by vulnerable groups. For all of these reasons, there is
increasing interest in demand-side subsidies for HNP services. A Demand Side
Financing (DSF) pilot using health vouchers for poor pregnant women has
already been launched in 21 upazilas with technical support from WHO.
Public
expenditure management developments during the HPSP period have resulted in
the creation of a new financial management unit within the MoH&FW
Secretariat and the development of a financial management reforms strategy
to underpin the wider reforms of the HPSP.
The Financial Management and Audit Unit (FMAU) was established in
July 1997 as an extension of the existing Chief Accounts Officer’s office
with technical support from DfID, to provide a more complete financial
analysis of Ministry activities.
The
Development Partner funding innovation during HPSP was a facility for DPs to
contribute through a pooled fund (PF) which financed a proportion of the MoH&FW
development budget. This was
intended to replace assistance tied to the implementation of individual
projects. As a result, the 128
projects that formerly comprised the MoH&FW development budget were
condensed into 25 HPSP Annual Operational Plans, each of them consisting of
several cost centres whose resources were managed by a single Line Director
(LD). The PF has attracted over 54 percent of all external aid committed to
HPSP. Moreover, most of the
rest of DP assistance outside the PF (Direct Project Aid, DPA) was reflected
in one or other of the Annual Operational Plans.
The intention was that LDs should be able to plan and manage all the
activities within their area of responsibility in a co-ordinated fashion,
whether funded by GoB, through the PF, or by DPA.
As a result, MoH&FW has been able to take greater control over
the implementation of its development and recurrent budgets.
Financial
management has been strengthened within the MoH&FW, both at central and
district levels, including improved budget preparation processes, basic
financial reporting, expenditure monitoring by components and
sub-components, resource tracking, developing IT applications, improvements
in management accounting, production and analysis of financial information,
improvements in audit and internal control, preparing central accounts,
financial statements, disbursement of funds, reimbursement claims,
production of Statements of Expenditure (SOEs) and preparation of withdrawal
applications as required under the Development Credit Agreement (DCA) with
the World Bank and withdrawal applications for other Development Partners.
Statements of Expenditure for reimbursement purposes are now produced
quarterly with a target of six weeks after the reporting period.
Time delays still occur from time to time and are dependent on the
completion of the expenditure data from the CGA and reconciliation of
accounts with the LDs. To
shorten this time, the reconciliation system will need to be improved.
The
need for a unified and independent internal audit function in the MoH&FW
has been identified on many occasions.
During HPSP, the Project Finance Cell of the former Financial
Management Unit was mandated to conduct internal audits of all Directorates
and offices of the MoH&FW. This
function has now been incorporated into the re-named FMAU.
In addition, the Audit Cell of the DGFP also conducts internal audits
on its own development budget activities.
The FMAU has produced an internal audit manual and held training
sessions throughout 2003.
Emphasis
is increasing on the concept of medium term planning and budgeting within
the GoB. A medium term
expenditure framework (MTEF) provides a mechanism for the sector to begin to
build linkages between capital and recurrent budgets, development and
revenue budgets, individual annual budgets (a multi-year perspective) and
between government and other (internal and external) sources of funding.
DfID and DGIS (The Netherlands) have begun a programme of support, which has
as its goal the need to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the
allocation of resources and to achieve more equitable and improved public
service delivery. The
overarching purpose of their financial management reforms (FMRP) support
package is to develop accountable and transparent institutional management
and operational arrangements for aggregate fiscal discipline, strategic
prioritisation of expenditure and improved performance during budget
execution. The approach to be
adopted will progressively promote the role of the MoH&FW as the key
agent of change in budget preparation and resource allocation at central
level by increasingly devolving decision making within budget envelopes.
The
MoF has embarked on a reform strategy that will eventually see spending
agencies being given a more medium term (say 3 years) budgetary allocation
or resource envelope, with freedom to prepare 3-year rolling budgets.
In return for this, the MoF will require clear output and outcome
targets to be established by these agencies, with explanations sought and
agencies held accountable where performance has not been as agreed. The
tables to be found in Chapter IV of this Plan have been prepared on this
basis and the Plan itself might be seen as providing the output and outcome
target data required by MoF to substantiate MTEF–based planning.
The
requirement for more of a needs-based approach to resource planning and
budgeting has been promoted by the FMAU in conjunction with the HEU.
In addition, there are other initiatives being undertaken in the MoH&FW
to adapt the traditional budgeting system for the revenue budget to newer
approaches for needs-based budgeting. These
include the introduction of local-level planning at the upazila level, which
identifies activities for the year along with the budgeted costs of service
delivery. Similar initiatives
are being undertaken in the pilot hospitals under the Improved Hospital
Management component, where hospital-level plans are being drawn up.
Both the Local-level Planning and the hospital-level plans identify
the funds required for service delivery, analysed according to revenue or
development budget and associated source of funding. The continuing challenge to the FMAU is to assist with the
co-ordination of these needs-based budgets into the budget process operated
by the Directorates.
However,
MoH&FW Revenue and Development Budgets are still prepared independently
and on different timelines. The
formation of the Financial Management and Budget Committee as a high-level
decision making body was a first step towards managing the Ministry’s
financial resources in a co-ordinated way.
When
preparing the HNPSP PIP (2002/03-2005/06), MoH&FW undertook a review of
financing in the health sector and derived forward projections of its
resource envelope up to 2006/7. This
formed an important first step in developing sector resource allocation
scenarios. As part of this, a model has been developed for use in future
analyses which has many control parameters to enable consideration of
various scenarios, including variation in the underlying macro economy, the
extent and efficiency of tax collection and the share of government budget
negotiated by the MoH&FW. Such modelling can also be used to examine the
potential of `non-MoF’ sources of financing for the health sector such as
social and community insurance, the revenue potential from local government
tax reform and user charges.
Modernising HNP Services in Bangladesh
This
chapter is divided into three parts. The first defines seven broad investment
strategies that need to be implemented in the longer term if the HNP
sector’s modernisation is to progress. They are intended to guide
developments, the allocation of resources and the concentration of effort to
2015. Their implementation will take sustained time and effort.
The
second part identifies ten priority policy responses based on these
longer-term strategies that can be implemented almost immediately and which
are likely improve the performance of the HNP sector as a whole by 2010. Some
have already been anticipated in the HNPSP PIP 2003/04-05/06. They form the
basis of the Government’s negotiation with the World Bank and other
Development Partners for support.
The third part identifies five sets of HNP services of particular importance. Three are services that need to be expanded quickly if the MDG and i-PRSP targets are to be achieved. They have already been incorporated in the HNPSP PIP 2003/04-05/06. Two address current and emerging disease burdens identified in the Conceptual Framework Paper that require additional resources. Taken together, these are activities around which all of the providers in the sector can gather, each contributing according to their comparative advantage. Accelerating the expansion of these services relies on improved efficiencies as well on increased resources. Success will depend to a substantial extent on the implementation of the policy responses outlined in the second part of this chapter.
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